White Farms, Black Farmers

The Western press casts him in the role of anproduction, jobs and social stability."
African Saddam Hussein. Neighboring leadersThis second phase broke down in mutual
supported his policies but then succumbed torecriminations. The government made an election
diplomacy and world opinion and, with a few notableissue out of the much-heralded reform and the
exceptions, shunned him. The opposition in and itsdonors delivered far less than they promised. Acutely
mouthpieces accuse him - justly - of brutal disregardaware of this friction, white farmers declined to offer
for human, civil, and political rights and of underminingland for sale.
the rule of law.Even as lawless invasions of private property
All he wants, insists Comrade - his official party title -recommenced in earnest, the government initiated
Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe is to right an ancientthe Fast Track Land Reform Plan in mid-2000. It
wrong by returning land, expropriated by whiteenvisioned the purchase of between 5-8 million of
settlers, to its rightful black owners. Most of thehectares of agricultural land, the resettlement of the
beneficiaries, being war veterans, happen to supportrural indigent, the provision of infrastructure, technical
his party, the Zimbabwe African Nationaladvice and inputs by both civil and military authorities
Union-Patriotic Front, or ZANU-PF, and its profligateand the involvement of all "stakeholders" - especially
largesse:white commercial farmers - in an on-going dialog in
"We must deliver the land unencumbered bythe framework of the Zimbabwe Joint Resettlement
impediments to its rightful owners. It is theirs byInitiative.
birth; it is theirs by natural and legal right. It is theirsBut the Plan fast deteriorated into strong-arm,
by struggle. Indeed their(s) by legacy." - hethreat-laden, and litigious confiscation of white
thundered in a speech he made to the Centralproperty. Following a setback in the polls - its
Committee of his party in March 2001 in response toproposed constitution was rejected - ZANU-PF aided
mounting multi-annual pressures from war veteranand abetted in the disorderly - and, sometimes, lethal
associations.- requisitioning of farms by a mob of war veterans,
It was Margaret Thatcher of Falklands fame who,mock veterans, petty criminals, the rural
after two decades of fierce fighting, capitulated todispossessed, party hacks, and even middle class
rebels, headed by Mugabe. The Iron Lady handed tourbanites. Ironically, the very anarchic nature of the
them, in the Lancaster House agreement, anprocess deterred genuine and the long term settlers.
independent Zimbabwe - literally, "Great StoneAbout 2000 farms were thus impounded by the end
House". The racist Rhodesia was no more. But theof last year. The government refused to
agreement enshrined the property rights of whitecompensate farmers for the land seized insisting that
farmers until 1990 and has, thus, sown the seeds ofsuch reparations should be paid by Britain. It did,
the current chaos.however, provide pitiful sums for infrastructure
Many nostalgic white settlers in Zimbabwe - mostlyadded to the land by the white settlers.
descendents of British invaders at the end of theAs pandemic corruption, lawlessness, and
19th century - still believe in their cultural - if notmismanagement brought the country to the brink of
genetic - superiority. Their forefathers boughtinsolvency and famine, Mugabe tainted with
indigenous land from commercial outfits supported byanti-Western diatribe his merited crusade for
the British Crown. The blacks - their plots andreversing past injustices. He lashed at the IMF and
livestock confiscated - were resettled in barrenthe World bank, at Britain and the USA, at white
"communal areas", akin to Native-American reservesfarmers and foreign capital. Xenophobia - no less that
in the USA minus the gambling concessions.patriotism - is the refuge of the scoundrel in Africa.
Starting in 1893, successive uprisings were bloodilyIn 1997, Britain's New Labor government ceased
suppressed by the colonizers and the Britishfunding the acquisition of land from white farmers.
government. A particularly virulent strain of apartheidDonors demanded matching funds from destitute
was introduced. By 1914, notes Steve Lawton inZimbabwe. By 1999, the entire West - spearheaded
"British Colonialism, Zimbabwe's Land Reform andby the IMF - disengaged. Zimbabwe was severed
Settler Resistance", 3 percent of the populationfrom the global financial system.
controlled 75 percent of the land. The blacks wereThis was followed by sanctions threatened by the EU
"harshly restricted to a mere 23 per cent of theand partly imposed the USA and the Commonwealth.
worst land in designated Reserves. There were onlySanctions were also urged by prescriptive think
28,000 white settlers to nearly one million Africans intanks, such as the International Crisis Group, and
Zimbabwe at this time."even by corporate and banking groups, such as
Land ownership hasn't changed much since. The 1930Britain's Abbey National.
"Land Apportionment Act" perpetuated the glaringYet, discarding land reform together with Mugabe
inequality. At independence, according to "Zimbabwe'swould be unwise. The problems - some of which are
Agricultural Revolution" edited by Mandivamba Rukuniignored even by the Zimbabwean authorities - are
and Carl Eicher and published in 1994 by thereal. A negligible white minority owns vast swathes of
University of Zimbabwe Publications, 6000 whiteforcibly obtained prime arable land in a predominantly
commercial farms occupied 45 percent of allblack country.
agricultural land - compared to only 5 percent tilled byA comprehensive - and just - land reform would
8500 black farmers. Another 70,000 black familiescater to farm hands as well. They are mostly black -
futilely cultivated the infertile remaining half of the soil.about one fifth of the population, counting their
As black population exploded, poverty and repressiondependants. They live in shantytown-like facilities on
combined to give rise to anti-white guerillathe farms with little access to potable water,
movements. The rest is history. The firstsanitation, electricity, phones, or other amenities.
post-independence land reform and resettlementThey were not even entitled to resettlement until
program lasted 17 years, until 1997. It targetedrecently.
refugees, internally displaced people, and squattersAccording to "Rural poverty: Commercial farm
and its aims were, as Petrunella Chaminuka, aworkers and Land Reform in Zimbabwe", a paper
researcher at SAPES Trust Agrarian Reformpresented at the SARPN conference on Land
Programme in Zimbabwe, summarizes a 1990Reform and Poverty Alleviation in Southern Africa, in
government discussion paper in the "Workers'June 2001, only about one third of the most
Weekly":destitute black farm workforce have been imported
"To redress past grievances over land alienation, toas casual and seasonal workers from neighboring
alleviate population pressure in the communal areascountries.
and to achieve national stability and progress. TheThe rest, contrary to government propaganda, are
programme was designed to enhance smallholderindigenous. Yet, protestations to the contrary
food and cash crop production, achieve foodnotwithstanding, the government, preoccupied with
self-sufficiency and improve equity in incomerelieving growing tensions in the communal areas and
distribution."rewarding its own supporters and cronies, refuses to
Land reform was an act of anti-colonialist,incorporate farm hands fully in its Fast Track
ideologically-motivated defiance. The first lots wentResettlement Program. They are being accused of
to landless - and utterly unskilled - blacks. Surprisingly,causing previous resettlement programs to fail.
theirs was a success story. They cultivated the landThe problems facing Zimbabwe's agricultural sector
ably and production increased. Certified farmers andare reminiscent of the situation in Mozambique,
agronomists, though, had to wait their turn until theNamibia, Malawi, Swaziland, Lesotho, and South Africa.
National Land Policy of 1990 which allowed forNamibia has already threatened to emulate
compulsory land purchases by the government.Zimbabwe. Sam Nujoma, the country's president,
There was no master plan of resettlement andrebuked the market mechanism as "too slow,
infrastructure deficiencies combined with plotcumbersome and very costly". An understandable
fragmentation to render many new farmsstatement coming from the head of a government
economically unviable.which, according to Namibian news agency, NAMPA,
As ready inventory dried up, the price of land soared.turned down 151 farms last year for lack of funds.
Droughts compounded this sorry state and by the"Land Reform in Zimbabwe: Constraints and
late 1980's yields were down and squatting resurged.Prospects", edited by T.A.S. Bowyer-Bower and Colin
Unemployment forced people back into rural areas.Stoneman, notes that development, growth, and
Egged on by multilateral lenders, white farmers, andpoverty alleviation in the continent are directly linked
Western commercial interests, the governmentto the ownership and cultivation of land - often the
further exacerbated the situation by allocatingsole means of production. That no regional approach
enormous tracts of land to horticulture, ostrichto this pressing issue has arisen attests to the quality
farming, crocodile farming, ranching and tourism thusof the self-centred, thuggish, and venal African
further depleting the anyhow meager stock of arableleadership.
acreage.Politically-motivated land reform will lead to the
International outcry against compulsory acquisitions oremergence of the next generations of the deprived
targeting of c. 1600 farms forced the Zimbabweanand the discriminated against. Resettlement has to be
government and its donors to come up in 1997-9both fair and seen to be fair. It has to be based on
with a second land reform and resettlementunambiguous criteria and transparent and
programme and the Inception Phase Framework Plan.even-handed procedures. It has to backed by
Contrary to disinformation in the Western media,sufficient agricultural inputs and machinery, financial
white farmers and NGO's were regularly consulted inand technical assistance, access to markets, and
the preparation of both documents.basic infrastructure.
In what proved to be a prophetic statement, theThe proximity of services and institutions - from
aptly named Barbara Kafka of the World Bank,schools to courts - is critical. Above all, land reform
quoted by IPS, gave this warning in the Septemberhas to look after people displaced in the process -
1998 donor conference:commercial farmers and their workers - and thus
''We are delighted that the government has called thisenjoy near universal support or acquiescence. Legal
conference as a key step in our working together totitle and tenure have to be established and recorded
make sure that Zimbabwe reaps the results itto allow the new settlers to obtain credits and invest
deserves from its land reform programme ...in buildings, machinery, and infrastructure.
Nevertheless, we must not be naive. The downsideAlas, as both Human Rights Watch and the UNDP
risks are high. There is abundant internationalconcluded in their detailed reports, none of these
experience to show that poorly executed landrequirements is observed in Zimbabwe. Hence the
reform can carry high social and economic costs ... Forrecurrent failures and the blood-spattered chaos they
instance, a programme that does not respecthave produced. Is Mugabe to blame? Surely. Is he the
property rights or does not provide sufficient supportprime mover of this debacle? Not by a long shot. He
to new settlers, is underfunded or is excessivelymerely encapsulates and leverages pernicious social
bureaucratic and costly, or simply results in largeforces in his country and in the continent. Until the
numbers of displaced farm workers, can have veryroot problems of Africa are tackled with courage and
negative outcomes in terms of investment,integrity Mugabe and his type of "reform" will prevail.